In the outside world, our democracy is widely known, admired and, in certain quarters, even envied. We ourselves take pride in it despite its many aberrations. But neither at home nor abroad does our Republic attract the same kind or degree of attention. Most of us do not quite know what it means. However, this ignorance does not prevent some sections of opinion from rubbishing the 26 January parade in the Capital as an expensive and moribund ritual.
This was obvious from the debates aired in both the print and electronic media.
The arguments of the critics ran roughly along these lines: The majesty and splendour of the parade are meant to demonstrate the awesome might of the State, exalt the idea of the nation and inculcate in the unlettered populace a heightened sense of patriotism. But the State, according to certain left-wing radical circles, has emerged as the most pernicious tormentor of the people. Many business magnates also perceive it as an impediment in their endeavours to create wealth. In a globalised world of inter-dependent economies, it is further argued, the nation cannot, and should not, command the prime loyalty of its citizens. That prerogative belongs to the market.
For much the same reason, consumer preference must get the upper hand over patriotism, another leftover of a dreaded and redundant past. It may still count for something in politics. But more than ever before, politics, in the eyes of the critics, remains the last refuge of the scoundrel.
There is some merit in these charges, not least because so many of our politicians are perceived to be self-serving, corrupt and poorly equipped for governance. Barring a few exceptions, none can be projected as role models. That function has increasingly devolved on entrepreneurs, film stars, sports idols, media personalities and beauty queens. Such a shift spells danger for our democracy and even more so for our Republic.
The reason, quite simply, is that India is what it is today not because we hold elections at regular intervals but because we derive our existence as a political community from the Constitution which we, the people, gave to ourselves and, in the process, established a Republic. The Constitution places a pre-eminent emphasis on the values of liberty and justice, on treating all citizens as equal before the law, on safeguarding the rights of minorities and the oppressed and, above all else, on resorting to reasoned argument, and not to religious faith or parochial or mercantile interests, to conduct the affairs of the State.
It is because we are a Republic, and not a mere democracy, that we are enjoined to nurture, and indeed celebrate, our linguistic, ethnic, cultural and religious diversity and to ensure that our citizens do not suffer from want and indignity. Various groups have sought to frustrate this enterprise, which we fashioned during our struggle for Independence under the leadership of the stalwarts of the Congress party, ever since the Constitution came into effect. They include bigots from different religious communities, including, in the first place, the self-proclaimed guardians of the majority community, linguistic chauvinists, casteists, regional parochialists, terrorists of all hues, and, in recent years, the ideologues of the market economy.
In his address to the nation, President Kalam articulated the core values of the Constitution without a rhetorical flourish. The parade demonstrated our pluralism and the preparedness of our defence forces. Both were thus an occasion to rededicate ourselves to the ideals of the Republic: a strong nation, a just and effective state, a flourishing democracy, a robust economy, excellence in all creative enterprises, a society that is tolerant and compassionate. A tall order? Without doubt. But the alternative — a bigoted, consumerist, arrogant and philistine nation — is better not imagined.